Progress has been made in Nepal’s peace process, including steps towards drafting a new constitution, but Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has cautioned that differences among key political parties continues to impede the consolidation of peace.
Regarding the “all-important constitution-making work,” Mr. Ban wrote in a new report made public today that nation-wide public talks are under way and the Special Committee mandated to supervise, integrate and rehabilitate Maoist army personnel has kicked off consultations.
Further, the Government has taken steps towards discharging disqualified Maoist army personnel from the cantonment sites, he said.
In spite of these “not insignificant positive measures,” the report noted that relations between the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN-M) and its main coalition partner, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (UML), as well as among the four political parties in the Maoist-led coalition Government, remain “fractious, marked by public acrimony and weak consultation over major decisions.”
A decade-long civil war, claiming some 13,000 lives, ended in 2006 with the signing of a peace accord between the Government and Maoists. After conducting Constituent Assembly elections last May, the nation abolished its 240-year-old monarchy, declared itself a republic and elected Ram Baran Yadav as the country’s first President.
At the end of its previous mandate in January, the UN special political mission in the country, known as UNMIN, reduced its staff to a minimal level.
“Nepali parties have repeatedly indicated to the United Nations that UNMIN arms monitors will continue to be needed to perform their current duties until the issue of integration and rehabilitation of Maoist army personnel is resolved,” the Secretary-General said in his report.
“The international community remains committed to supporting the process on which Nepal has embarked for the consolidation of peace and improvement of the lives of its people,” he added.
UN News Centre
Wednesday, April 29, 2009
Monday, April 27, 2009
Dreams from Nepal to Seattle
By Jerry Large for The Seatle Times
Nil Tilijia was born in a Nepalese village high in the Himalayas where he harvested potatoes as a barefoot boy, and where he took up political reform and won a seat in parliament.
The birthplace lottery sure makes a difference in people's lives.
Nil Tilijia was born in a Nepalese village high in the Himalayas where he harvested potatoes as a barefoot boy, and where he took up political reform and won a seat in parliament.
These days he lives in North Seattle and works in the produce department at the Green Lake PCC.
Sometimes he asks his 11-year-old daughter to help with chores, but she's too busy with school work.
Nepal is nearly the opposite of the United States. It is a small country squeezed between two giant neighbors, China and India. It is poor and politically unstable. Tilijia loves Nepal. When I visited him, I noticed a large photo of a mountain on the wall. It's Annapurna, he told me. Then he led me to his computer and started a slide show of photos he'd taken of Nepalese mountains.
"Nepal is the most beautiful country."
He sat cross-legged on the floor and told me about himself.
Tilijia and his three younger brothers helped their parents tend their animals and grow a few hardy crops: potatoes, corn, barley, wheat, beans.
The ground would be frozen for four to six months, so they'd put potatoes in just before the freeze, then plant corn or another crop as soon as the freeze ended. They'd eat potatoes until the other crop came in.
They lived in a one-room house without running water or electricity.
Tilijia, who is 41, said that until he was 14 he had never worn shoes or left his village.
Not everyone in Nepal lived that way. The country had a king. He and the people who did his bidding lived well.
Tilijia says the man who represented his district took advantage of young women and had people killed. He and his large retinue would ride through the village on their horses.
When he was 12 or 13, Tilijia heard the man was coming to the village. He said, "I wrote slogans against him on notebook paper" and placed the signs around the village.
Tilijia was turned in by the village leader, taken to a police station and beaten. His parents were fined.
Sometime later, he and some friends put up signs denouncing the king. His parents were fined, and this time they beat him.
His parents sent him to a larger town to live with an uncle and attend high school. He stayed and went to college but spent most of his time doing political organizing.
It was a turbulent time. The king was pressured into allowing a measure of democracy, and in 1994 Tilijia defeated the man who had terrorized his village. At 23, he became the youngest member of parliament.
He also got married. A political ally whose daughter was studying in Australia arranged the marriage, which ultimately led Tilijia to Seattle.
A Maoist uprising in 1996 set off a 10-year civil war, so it was a good time to get out. Tilijia's wife, Ratana Magarati, won a Fulbright Scholarship and chose to work toward her doctorate in sociology at the University of Washington.
She came here in 1999, and Tilijia and their then-2-year-old daughter followed in 2000. Right away he noticed the trees and mountains, which remind him of Nepal. He loves hiking and skiing around here, but he said his soul wants him to do more. "Sometimes, I wonder what I am doing here," he said.
Nepal's latest experiment with democracy is still young, after abolition of the monarchy last May.
"I have still a lot of dreams," Tilijia said, "especially for our people who come from where there is not opportunity."
Maybe when his wife finishes school and he doesn't have to work two jobs (he works part time at Uwajimaya), he said, he'll find a way to turn his presence here into an advantage for the people of his country.
Lately he has been lifting his spirits by running. He ran the Boston Marathon this month and said the race gave him a sense of purpose and accomplishment.
"I thought, 'I am lost here,' but when I get to the finish line, I tell myself, 'No, you are not lost.' "
Tilijia is far from Nepal, but he is not lost.
Nil Tilijia was born in a Nepalese village high in the Himalayas where he harvested potatoes as a barefoot boy, and where he took up political reform and won a seat in parliament.
The birthplace lottery sure makes a difference in people's lives.
Nil Tilijia was born in a Nepalese village high in the Himalayas where he harvested potatoes as a barefoot boy, and where he took up political reform and won a seat in parliament.
These days he lives in North Seattle and works in the produce department at the Green Lake PCC.
Sometimes he asks his 11-year-old daughter to help with chores, but she's too busy with school work.
Nepal is nearly the opposite of the United States. It is a small country squeezed between two giant neighbors, China and India. It is poor and politically unstable. Tilijia loves Nepal. When I visited him, I noticed a large photo of a mountain on the wall. It's Annapurna, he told me. Then he led me to his computer and started a slide show of photos he'd taken of Nepalese mountains.
"Nepal is the most beautiful country."
He sat cross-legged on the floor and told me about himself.
Tilijia and his three younger brothers helped their parents tend their animals and grow a few hardy crops: potatoes, corn, barley, wheat, beans.
The ground would be frozen for four to six months, so they'd put potatoes in just before the freeze, then plant corn or another crop as soon as the freeze ended. They'd eat potatoes until the other crop came in.
They lived in a one-room house without running water or electricity.
Tilijia, who is 41, said that until he was 14 he had never worn shoes or left his village.
Not everyone in Nepal lived that way. The country had a king. He and the people who did his bidding lived well.
Tilijia says the man who represented his district took advantage of young women and had people killed. He and his large retinue would ride through the village on their horses.
When he was 12 or 13, Tilijia heard the man was coming to the village. He said, "I wrote slogans against him on notebook paper" and placed the signs around the village.
Tilijia was turned in by the village leader, taken to a police station and beaten. His parents were fined.
Sometime later, he and some friends put up signs denouncing the king. His parents were fined, and this time they beat him.
His parents sent him to a larger town to live with an uncle and attend high school. He stayed and went to college but spent most of his time doing political organizing.
It was a turbulent time. The king was pressured into allowing a measure of democracy, and in 1994 Tilijia defeated the man who had terrorized his village. At 23, he became the youngest member of parliament.
He also got married. A political ally whose daughter was studying in Australia arranged the marriage, which ultimately led Tilijia to Seattle.
A Maoist uprising in 1996 set off a 10-year civil war, so it was a good time to get out. Tilijia's wife, Ratana Magarati, won a Fulbright Scholarship and chose to work toward her doctorate in sociology at the University of Washington.
She came here in 1999, and Tilijia and their then-2-year-old daughter followed in 2000. Right away he noticed the trees and mountains, which remind him of Nepal. He loves hiking and skiing around here, but he said his soul wants him to do more. "Sometimes, I wonder what I am doing here," he said.
Nepal's latest experiment with democracy is still young, after abolition of the monarchy last May.
"I have still a lot of dreams," Tilijia said, "especially for our people who come from where there is not opportunity."
Maybe when his wife finishes school and he doesn't have to work two jobs (he works part time at Uwajimaya), he said, he'll find a way to turn his presence here into an advantage for the people of his country.
Lately he has been lifting his spirits by running. He ran the Boston Marathon this month and said the race gave him a sense of purpose and accomplishment.
"I thought, 'I am lost here,' but when I get to the finish line, I tell myself, 'No, you are not lost.' "
Tilijia is far from Nepal, but he is not lost.
Saturday, April 25, 2009
Gurkha fury over limited living rights
By Kim Sengupta for The Independent, UK
They had, for generations, shown courage and sacrifice, fighting for Britain in countless wars. But yesterday the Gurkhas said they had been repaid by the Government with contempt and betrayal.
There had been an expectation among the warriors from Nepal and their many supporters that, after a landmark ruling by the High Court last year, those previously barred from settling in Britain because they had left the Army before 1997 would now be able to do so.
Instead, new laws unfurled by the Immigration minister Phil Woolas yesterday mean that, according to government estimates, only about 4,300 more Gurkhas out of 36,000 will be allowed to move to the UK, while campaigners argue that the rules may in reality benefit only 100 men.
The severe restriction in the numbers, said critics, flew in the face of the court judgment. Furthermore, it was achieved, they alleged, by "underhand and despicable" means. The Gurkhas were being asked to reach criteria for residency qualification which it was simply impossible for them to meet.
David Enright, a solicitor representing some of the old soldiers in their court battle, said: "They have set criteria that are unattainable. They require a Gurkha to serve for 20 years, but a rifleman is permitted to serve for only around 15 years. It's a sham and an absolute disgrace. It's actually far more restrictive than the old policy."
Ragprasad Purja, 43, left the Army after the 1997 date and thus has the right to live in Britain. He served 17 years – more than the average length of service – and said the 20 years ruling was deliberately setting the bar too high. "It is the saddest day for the Gurkhas. I cannot believe this Government made such a decision," he added. "I was proud of my service but now I am sad. It's not justice."
In reaching his verdict last September in a test case brought by five veterans and their widows, Mr Justice Blake concluded that the Gurkhas had earned "an unquestionable debt of honour from the British people". The Government ruling that denied Gurkhas who retired before 1997 an automatic right to live in the UK was discriminatory, illegal, and needed urgent revision, he declared.
Martin Howe, the solicitor who represented the Gurkhas in that case, said yesterday: "This is nothing less than an act of treachery. It has scant regard to the High Court judgment and scant regard to the wishes of the people up and down the length and breath of this country. We have a so called Labour Government prepared to give £ 200bn to the bankers but not a penny to the Gurkhas."
The actress Joanna Lumley, a long-time supporter of the Gurkhas, said: "I am ashamed of my Government."
Mr Woolas's new rule will allow about 100 Nepalis, mostly officers, who served longer terms than riflemen, into the country. Other criteria, such as being mentioned in dispatches, the awarding of a Ministry of Defence disability pension, or a close family member in this country would make up the rest who qualify.
The Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, insisted the new rules were entirely fair, saying: "Anybody who has done 20 years service before 1997 is going to benefit from this decision. They can make the choice if they want to come to Britain. There used to be a bar at 1997 but we have moved that right back to make it possible for people to live in this country."
But the shadow Immigration Minister, Damian Green, said: "The Government is trying to evade the effects of a very clear court judgment. This is an insult to the Gurkhas. We have said all along the Government should not try to challenge the court."
Last autumn's High Court ruling was the latest chapter in the Gurkhas' struggle to get what they believe are their rights. In 2004, following prolonged lobbying, the Government allowed current serving Nepalese soldiers who had not left before 1997 the right to stay in the UK. Three years later, Gurkhas won the right to the same pension as British soldiers, but again with the 1997 caveat. A series of campaigns after than allowed individual Gurkhas, some of them with high military honours, including a VC, the right to UK residence.
In November, a petition signed by 250,000 people, calling on the Government to allow all retired Gurkhas to settle in Britain, was handed in to No.10. Chris Robinson, a former infantryman who helped to collect signatures in north London, said yesterday: "We were only looking at at the most 36,000 people coming here if Mr Woolas had applied fair rules. We mustn't forget 200,000 Gurkhas fought for us just in the two world wars and 43,000 of them lost their lives for this country."
The crucial question: Has the Government betrayed the Gurkhas?
No
Phil Woolas, Minister for Borders and Immigration
Gurkhas who complete their service receive a lifetime pension that has been increased over the last decade. Up until 2007, the majority left the Army aged 33 and so could be in receipt of this pension for more than 50 years. Former sergeants (and above) receive a pension comparable to the salary of a member of parliament in Nepal.
In 2004, this Government brought in rules which for the first time gave those discharged from the British Army on or after 1 July 1997 the right to come and settle in the UK. This was the date of the handover of Hong Kong to China when the Brigade of Gurkhas moved its headquarters from Hong Kong to the UK. Before that, Gurkhas served mainly in the East before retiring in Nepal; after that, they were more widely deployed. There was never any suggestion that the opportunity to settle permanently in the UK would be offered to every former member and their dependents. There are about 36,000 former Gurkhas who would be given the right to settle if immigration controls were removed. Including their dependents, more than 100,000 people would be legally entitled to enter the UK.
I believe the revised guidance is fair and in line with the expectations of those who signed up to the Brigade.
Yes
Madan Kumar Gurung, Retired Gurkha
The Gurkhas have given everything to this country for nearly 200 years, yet most of them are not entitled to the same rights as foreign soldiers. It is discriminatory and unfair.
My loyalty to the UK should be evident from the 24 years I spent as a Gurkha soldier fighting for the British. It was even recognised when I was given a medal for good conduct and service. I'm handing that medal back to the Government with shame.
In 2007, my request for settlement rights was turned down after a 14-month wait because my ties to the UK were "not strong enough" and I had not served as soldier in the UK long enough to qualify.
That is ridiculous. My regiment was based in Hong Kong. I could not serve in the UK but I fought on its behalf in Malaysia, Singapore, Borneo and New Zealand. During my time in Hong Kong we defended the colony from Chinese illegal immigrants. When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, my regiment fought with the British soldiers in Iraq. We flew the Union flag and saluted photographs of the Queen, just as much as the British Army.
When I retired I had to return to Nepal because I was not allowed to settle in the UK. When this ruling was changed in 2004, I thought our services had been recognised. Instead, it led only to further discrimination.
Most soldiers from the Commonwealth serve in the same way as Gurkhas and are entitled to settlement rights after four years' service. I have always been proud to be a Gurkha. Today, despite the fact I am not allowed to stay, I feel ashamed and angry for my colleagues. It is the soldiers and colleagues that do not qualify for whom I feel most sorry.
We do not plan to boycott the Army or violently protest. We are just begging the Government to recognise our rights.
They had, for generations, shown courage and sacrifice, fighting for Britain in countless wars. But yesterday the Gurkhas said they had been repaid by the Government with contempt and betrayal.
There had been an expectation among the warriors from Nepal and their many supporters that, after a landmark ruling by the High Court last year, those previously barred from settling in Britain because they had left the Army before 1997 would now be able to do so.
Instead, new laws unfurled by the Immigration minister Phil Woolas yesterday mean that, according to government estimates, only about 4,300 more Gurkhas out of 36,000 will be allowed to move to the UK, while campaigners argue that the rules may in reality benefit only 100 men.
The severe restriction in the numbers, said critics, flew in the face of the court judgment. Furthermore, it was achieved, they alleged, by "underhand and despicable" means. The Gurkhas were being asked to reach criteria for residency qualification which it was simply impossible for them to meet.
David Enright, a solicitor representing some of the old soldiers in their court battle, said: "They have set criteria that are unattainable. They require a Gurkha to serve for 20 years, but a rifleman is permitted to serve for only around 15 years. It's a sham and an absolute disgrace. It's actually far more restrictive than the old policy."
Ragprasad Purja, 43, left the Army after the 1997 date and thus has the right to live in Britain. He served 17 years – more than the average length of service – and said the 20 years ruling was deliberately setting the bar too high. "It is the saddest day for the Gurkhas. I cannot believe this Government made such a decision," he added. "I was proud of my service but now I am sad. It's not justice."
In reaching his verdict last September in a test case brought by five veterans and their widows, Mr Justice Blake concluded that the Gurkhas had earned "an unquestionable debt of honour from the British people". The Government ruling that denied Gurkhas who retired before 1997 an automatic right to live in the UK was discriminatory, illegal, and needed urgent revision, he declared.
Martin Howe, the solicitor who represented the Gurkhas in that case, said yesterday: "This is nothing less than an act of treachery. It has scant regard to the High Court judgment and scant regard to the wishes of the people up and down the length and breath of this country. We have a so called Labour Government prepared to give £ 200bn to the bankers but not a penny to the Gurkhas."
The actress Joanna Lumley, a long-time supporter of the Gurkhas, said: "I am ashamed of my Government."
Mr Woolas's new rule will allow about 100 Nepalis, mostly officers, who served longer terms than riflemen, into the country. Other criteria, such as being mentioned in dispatches, the awarding of a Ministry of Defence disability pension, or a close family member in this country would make up the rest who qualify.
The Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, insisted the new rules were entirely fair, saying: "Anybody who has done 20 years service before 1997 is going to benefit from this decision. They can make the choice if they want to come to Britain. There used to be a bar at 1997 but we have moved that right back to make it possible for people to live in this country."
But the shadow Immigration Minister, Damian Green, said: "The Government is trying to evade the effects of a very clear court judgment. This is an insult to the Gurkhas. We have said all along the Government should not try to challenge the court."
Last autumn's High Court ruling was the latest chapter in the Gurkhas' struggle to get what they believe are their rights. In 2004, following prolonged lobbying, the Government allowed current serving Nepalese soldiers who had not left before 1997 the right to stay in the UK. Three years later, Gurkhas won the right to the same pension as British soldiers, but again with the 1997 caveat. A series of campaigns after than allowed individual Gurkhas, some of them with high military honours, including a VC, the right to UK residence.
In November, a petition signed by 250,000 people, calling on the Government to allow all retired Gurkhas to settle in Britain, was handed in to No.10. Chris Robinson, a former infantryman who helped to collect signatures in north London, said yesterday: "We were only looking at at the most 36,000 people coming here if Mr Woolas had applied fair rules. We mustn't forget 200,000 Gurkhas fought for us just in the two world wars and 43,000 of them lost their lives for this country."
The crucial question: Has the Government betrayed the Gurkhas?
No
Phil Woolas, Minister for Borders and Immigration
Gurkhas who complete their service receive a lifetime pension that has been increased over the last decade. Up until 2007, the majority left the Army aged 33 and so could be in receipt of this pension for more than 50 years. Former sergeants (and above) receive a pension comparable to the salary of a member of parliament in Nepal.
In 2004, this Government brought in rules which for the first time gave those discharged from the British Army on or after 1 July 1997 the right to come and settle in the UK. This was the date of the handover of Hong Kong to China when the Brigade of Gurkhas moved its headquarters from Hong Kong to the UK. Before that, Gurkhas served mainly in the East before retiring in Nepal; after that, they were more widely deployed. There was never any suggestion that the opportunity to settle permanently in the UK would be offered to every former member and their dependents. There are about 36,000 former Gurkhas who would be given the right to settle if immigration controls were removed. Including their dependents, more than 100,000 people would be legally entitled to enter the UK.
I believe the revised guidance is fair and in line with the expectations of those who signed up to the Brigade.
Yes
Madan Kumar Gurung, Retired Gurkha
The Gurkhas have given everything to this country for nearly 200 years, yet most of them are not entitled to the same rights as foreign soldiers. It is discriminatory and unfair.
My loyalty to the UK should be evident from the 24 years I spent as a Gurkha soldier fighting for the British. It was even recognised when I was given a medal for good conduct and service. I'm handing that medal back to the Government with shame.
In 2007, my request for settlement rights was turned down after a 14-month wait because my ties to the UK were "not strong enough" and I had not served as soldier in the UK long enough to qualify.
That is ridiculous. My regiment was based in Hong Kong. I could not serve in the UK but I fought on its behalf in Malaysia, Singapore, Borneo and New Zealand. During my time in Hong Kong we defended the colony from Chinese illegal immigrants. When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, my regiment fought with the British soldiers in Iraq. We flew the Union flag and saluted photographs of the Queen, just as much as the British Army.
When I retired I had to return to Nepal because I was not allowed to settle in the UK. When this ruling was changed in 2004, I thought our services had been recognised. Instead, it led only to further discrimination.
Most soldiers from the Commonwealth serve in the same way as Gurkhas and are entitled to settlement rights after four years' service. I have always been proud to be a Gurkha. Today, despite the fact I am not allowed to stay, I feel ashamed and angry for my colleagues. It is the soldiers and colleagues that do not qualify for whom I feel most sorry.
We do not plan to boycott the Army or violently protest. We are just begging the Government to recognise our rights.
Vicious forest fires in Nepal raise climate change questions
The forest fires that recently flared up in Nepal raise important questions about the effects of climate change on the Tibetan Plateau, writes Navin Singh Khadka.
The forest fires that flared unusually viciously in many of Nepal's national parks and conserved areas this dry season have left conservationists worrying if climate change played a role.
At least four protected areas were recently on fire for an unusually long time. Satellite imagery from US space agency NASA showed most of the big fires were in and around the national parks along the country's northern areas bordering Tibet. Active fires were recorded in renowned conservation success stories like the Annapurna, Kanchanjunga, Langtang and Makalu Barun national parks. The extent of the loss of flora and fauna is not yet known.
Press reports said more than 100 yaks were killed by fire in the surrounding areas of the Kanjanchanga National Park in eastern Nepal. Trans-Himalayan parks host rare species such as snow leopards, red pandas and several endangered birds.
More than the loss of plants and animals, the carbon dioxide emitted by the fires was a matter of concern, according to Ghanashyam Gurung, a director at WWF's Nepal office. Some of the national parks in the plains bordering India were also on fire, but those caused less concern among conservationists and forest officials.
"Fires in the protected areas in the plain lands can be controlled easily because we have logistics and manpower ready for that - and that is what we did this time," said Laxmi Manandhar, spokesman for Nepal's Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation.
"But in the national parks in the Himalayan region, we could hardly do anything because of the difficult geography. Nor do we have facilities of pouring water using planes and helicopters."
Forest fires in Nepal's jungles and protected areas are not uncommon during the dry season between October and January. Most of the fires come about as a consequence of the "slash and burn" practice that farmers employ for better vegetation and agricultural yields. But this time the fires remained out of control even in the national parks in the Himalayan region where the slash and burn practice is uncommon. In some of the protected areas, the fires flared up even after locals and officials tried to put them out for several days.
So, why were the fires so different this time? "The most obvious reason was the unusually long dry spell this year," says Gurung, just back in Kathmandu from Langtang National Park to the north of the capital. "The dryness has been so severe that pine trees in the Himalayan region are thoroughly dry even on the top, which means even a spark is enough to set them on fire."
For nearly six months, no precipitation has fallen across most of the country - the longest dry spell in recent history, according to meteorologists. "This winter was exceptionally dry," says Department of Hydrology and Meteorology chief Nirmal Rajbhandari. "We have seen winter becoming drier and drier in the last three or four years, but this year has set the record."
Rivers are running at their lowest, and because most of Nepal's electricity comes from hydropower, the country has been suffering power cuts up to 20 hours a day. Experts at the department said the severity of dryness fits in the pattern of increasing extreme weather Nepal has witnessed in recent years.
Had it not been for recent drizzles, conservationists say some of the national parks would still be on fire. They point to "cloud burst phenomena" – huge rainfall within a short span of time during monsoons, and frequent, sudden downpours in the Himalayan foothills – as more examples of extreme weather events. "Seeing all these changes happening in recent years, we can contend that this dryness that led to so much fire is one of the effects of climate change," said Rajbhandari.
Anil Manandhar, head of WWF Nepal, had this to ask: are we waiting for a bigger disaster to admit that it is climate change? "The weather pattern has changed, and we know that there are certain impacts of climate change."
However, climate-change expert Arun Bhakta Shrestha, of the Kathmandu-based International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), was cautious about drawing conclusions. "The prolonged dryness this year, like other extreme events in recent years, could be related to climate change but there is no proper basis to confirm that. The reason [why there is no confirmation] is lack of studies, observation and data that could have helped to reach into some conclusion regarding the changes."
Indeed, there has been no proper study of the impacts of climate change on the region: not just in Nepal but in the entire Hindu Kush Himalayas. This is the reason why the region has been dubbed as a "white spot" by experts, including the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).
Limited studies have shown that temperature in the Himalayas has been increasing on average by 0.06 degrees Celsius annually, causing glaciers to melt and retreat faster. The meltdown has been rapidly filling up many glacial lakes that could break their moraines and burst out, sweeping away everything downstream. In Nepal and neighbouring countries, these "glacial lake outburst floods" and monsoon-related floods resulting from erratic rainfalls are at present the most talked-about disasters in the context of climate change.
If conservationists' and meteorologists' latest fears mean anything, forest fires may also be something that would be seen as one of the climate impacts.
In the wake of the 2007 United Nations climate change conference in Bali, Nepal has been preparing to join an international effort known as Reducing Emission from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD). But if the forest fires it saw this year became a regular phenomenon, the country will instead be emitting increased carbon dioxide into the atmosphere - a case of climate science's not very aptly-named "positive feedback".
The Guardian
The forest fires that flared unusually viciously in many of Nepal's national parks and conserved areas this dry season have left conservationists worrying if climate change played a role.
At least four protected areas were recently on fire for an unusually long time. Satellite imagery from US space agency NASA showed most of the big fires were in and around the national parks along the country's northern areas bordering Tibet. Active fires were recorded in renowned conservation success stories like the Annapurna, Kanchanjunga, Langtang and Makalu Barun national parks. The extent of the loss of flora and fauna is not yet known.
Press reports said more than 100 yaks were killed by fire in the surrounding areas of the Kanjanchanga National Park in eastern Nepal. Trans-Himalayan parks host rare species such as snow leopards, red pandas and several endangered birds.
More than the loss of plants and animals, the carbon dioxide emitted by the fires was a matter of concern, according to Ghanashyam Gurung, a director at WWF's Nepal office. Some of the national parks in the plains bordering India were also on fire, but those caused less concern among conservationists and forest officials.
"Fires in the protected areas in the plain lands can be controlled easily because we have logistics and manpower ready for that - and that is what we did this time," said Laxmi Manandhar, spokesman for Nepal's Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation.
"But in the national parks in the Himalayan region, we could hardly do anything because of the difficult geography. Nor do we have facilities of pouring water using planes and helicopters."
Forest fires in Nepal's jungles and protected areas are not uncommon during the dry season between October and January. Most of the fires come about as a consequence of the "slash and burn" practice that farmers employ for better vegetation and agricultural yields. But this time the fires remained out of control even in the national parks in the Himalayan region where the slash and burn practice is uncommon. In some of the protected areas, the fires flared up even after locals and officials tried to put them out for several days.
So, why were the fires so different this time? "The most obvious reason was the unusually long dry spell this year," says Gurung, just back in Kathmandu from Langtang National Park to the north of the capital. "The dryness has been so severe that pine trees in the Himalayan region are thoroughly dry even on the top, which means even a spark is enough to set them on fire."
For nearly six months, no precipitation has fallen across most of the country - the longest dry spell in recent history, according to meteorologists. "This winter was exceptionally dry," says Department of Hydrology and Meteorology chief Nirmal Rajbhandari. "We have seen winter becoming drier and drier in the last three or four years, but this year has set the record."
Rivers are running at their lowest, and because most of Nepal's electricity comes from hydropower, the country has been suffering power cuts up to 20 hours a day. Experts at the department said the severity of dryness fits in the pattern of increasing extreme weather Nepal has witnessed in recent years.
Had it not been for recent drizzles, conservationists say some of the national parks would still be on fire. They point to "cloud burst phenomena" – huge rainfall within a short span of time during monsoons, and frequent, sudden downpours in the Himalayan foothills – as more examples of extreme weather events. "Seeing all these changes happening in recent years, we can contend that this dryness that led to so much fire is one of the effects of climate change," said Rajbhandari.
Anil Manandhar, head of WWF Nepal, had this to ask: are we waiting for a bigger disaster to admit that it is climate change? "The weather pattern has changed, and we know that there are certain impacts of climate change."
However, climate-change expert Arun Bhakta Shrestha, of the Kathmandu-based International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), was cautious about drawing conclusions. "The prolonged dryness this year, like other extreme events in recent years, could be related to climate change but there is no proper basis to confirm that. The reason [why there is no confirmation] is lack of studies, observation and data that could have helped to reach into some conclusion regarding the changes."
Indeed, there has been no proper study of the impacts of climate change on the region: not just in Nepal but in the entire Hindu Kush Himalayas. This is the reason why the region has been dubbed as a "white spot" by experts, including the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).
Limited studies have shown that temperature in the Himalayas has been increasing on average by 0.06 degrees Celsius annually, causing glaciers to melt and retreat faster. The meltdown has been rapidly filling up many glacial lakes that could break their moraines and burst out, sweeping away everything downstream. In Nepal and neighbouring countries, these "glacial lake outburst floods" and monsoon-related floods resulting from erratic rainfalls are at present the most talked-about disasters in the context of climate change.
If conservationists' and meteorologists' latest fears mean anything, forest fires may also be something that would be seen as one of the climate impacts.
In the wake of the 2007 United Nations climate change conference in Bali, Nepal has been preparing to join an international effort known as Reducing Emission from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD). But if the forest fires it saw this year became a regular phenomenon, the country will instead be emitting increased carbon dioxide into the atmosphere - a case of climate science's not very aptly-named "positive feedback".
The Guardian
Friday, April 24, 2009
Britain falls short of handing ex-Gurkhas full settlement rights
LONDON, April 24, 2009 (AFP) - Britain will only give 4,300 ex-Gurkhas settlement rights, the Home Office said Friday, falling short of campaigners’ demands that they be given to all Nepalese ex-soldiers who retired before 1997.
“Over 4,000 ex Gurkhas and around 6,000 spouses and children will qualify for settlement rights in the UK,” the Home Office said in a statement. It confirmed separately that the figure would likely be about 4,300.
The ministry outlined a string of conditions, one of which must be met to secure settlement, including 20 or more years’ service or awards for bravery.
At the moment, only Gurkha soldiers who retired after 1997 – when their base was moved from Hong Kong to Britain – have the automatic right to settle permanently.
All other foreign soldiers in the British army can settle in Britain after four years’ service.
Martin Howe, a lawyer representing the campaigners, called the decision “nothing short of scandalous” and an “insult” and pledged they would continue their legal battle.
“We are disgusted with what we see today,” he said at a protest outside the Houses of Parliament following the decision.
Less than 100 Gurkhas would actually meet the criteria set by the government, campaigners said.
The Nepalese former soldiers have staged repeated protests seeking an injunction obliging ministers to implement a High Court ruling last September that approved extending the right to stay in Britain permanently to all Gurkha veterans.
Around 3,500 Gurkhas currently serve in the British Army, including in Iraq and Afghanistan. More than 45,000 in total have died serving Britain.
Officials say that since 2004, over 6,000 former Gurkhas and family members have been granted settlement in the UK under immigration rules.
FOREIGNERS FILLING JOBS THAT IRAQIS OFTEN SHUN
By TIMOTHY WILLIAMS and TAREQ MAHER
BAGHDAD – They say they could have opted for Dubai, Saudi Arabia or even Europe. But Baghdad is the destination of choice for a rising number of foreign workers, a jarring sight in a city where, not long ago, they were unlikely to keep their freedom or lives long enough to collect a paycheck.
“Sometimes I hear loud booms, but I don’t care,” said Zahandwir Aloui, a 25-year-old waiter with a wife and two children at home in Bangladesh. “I like working here.”
Recently he was clearing dishes at the upscale restaurant where he works, one of scores of better restaurants, homes and hotels where the waiters, cooks, clerks and housekeepers and attendants are increasingly likely to be from India, Uganda, Bangladesh, Nepal and Ethiopia.
These are not contract workers recruited by American firms like KBR or Halliburton to work at U.S. military cafeterias or to pull guard duty on the perimeter of U.S. bases, but men and women who have come to work for Iraqi businesses that would otherwise hire Iraqis. And even if the number of foreigners working for Iraqis is still small, it seems one more sign that the capital may be on the cusp of a return to normalcy.
Despite an unemployment rate in Iraq estimated to be as high as 40 percent, the problem here is the same as that at many places: Even though Iraqis are paid more than foreigners, business owners say it is nearly impossible to keep Iraqi staff members in low-level positions for longer than a few weeks.
“There are some jobs Iraqis won’t do, even if they don’t have jobs,” said Basil Radhi, 54, an Iraqi whose family owns a nearby restaurant.
Since the 2003 invasion by U.S. forces, few foreigners have strayed outside the heavily secured Green Zone, with the exception of well-armed U.S. soldiers, because foreigners had been targets of Sunni and Shiite militias, which carried out kidnappings and executions.
Even though Baghdad is safer now than it was in the first few years following the invasion, most of the recently arrived workers say they do not go far from their workplaces.
Aloui, the waiter, who earns double what he would at home, lives in a room at a hotel next door to the restaurant (where diners are searched for suicide belts before eating). He says he knows almost nothing about Baghdad aside from the dozen or so steps between the restaurant and the hotel. He has been told not to walk the street alone.
While Aloui works as many as 15 hours a day, six days a week, for his $250 monthly salary, not including a $50 monthly bonus, the restaurant’s Iraqi-born waiters earn more than double - that – even when they work far fewer hours.
The arrangement was defended by the restaurant’s owner, Hussein Qaduri, 28, whose previous restaurant was blown up by a suicide car bomb in 2004. Of his 45 employees, five are from Bangladesh. “I pay for their hotel, for their barber, for their medical treatment,” he said about his Bangladeshi waiters. “Everything comes directly from me.”
In the five months since the relative lull in violence allowed him to open his restaurant, Radhi said he has employed hundreds of native-born waiters, dishwashers, cleanup crews and cooks. He said he has had enough of what he calls Iraqis’ suspect work ethic and is in the process of looking for more foreign workers.
But on Tuesday, Abdullah al-Lami, a spokesman for Iraq’s Ministry of Labor and Social Work, said that while hiring foreign workers might have become commonplace in recent months, it is not lawful.
Employment companies obtain tourist visas for foreign workers, he said, and the visas do not permit the foreigners to hold jobs. “The employment offices that do this work are illegal,” Lami said. “The people who employ these workers are trying to take advantage of paying them low wages.”
But Bilal Hadi, co-owner of the Watania Co., one of a handful of employment agencies hiring foreign workers, said that he had, in fact, received the approval of the government and that he was not exploiting workers. The workers his company recruits to Iraq through its offices in Bangladesh and Dubai are contacted at least every other month to ensure they are being treated well. “Abuse might happen,” he said, “but it is not my fault.”
Companies seeking foreign workers typically hire “two or three for a taste to see if it works” before asking for more, he said.
In the month that the company has been open in Baghdad, Hadi said he had brought in 400 foreign workers, all of them presently employed.
Next, he said, he would like to hire European workers – Russians, Ukrainians and Georgians in particular – who would be in high demand as waitresses and housekeepers. He would hire them out for $350 a month, he said.
Among the city’s more recent arrivals are a group of six bakers who have come from Rajshahi, Bangladesh. They live together in a rooftop concrete bunker accessible by a flimsy 12-foot ladder perched above the bakery. The bathroom is down the ladder.
Despite the crowded conditions, Mohammed Ayub Hussein, 37, who has a wife and two children back home, said he would like to stay for a while.
“I want to be here maybe four or five years to make some money,” he said. When asked what he does aside from his all-night shift at the bakery, he shrugged. “I came here to work.”
New York Times
(Muhammed al-Obaidi and Suadad N. al-Salhy contributed reporting.)
BAGHDAD – They say they could have opted for Dubai, Saudi Arabia or even Europe. But Baghdad is the destination of choice for a rising number of foreign workers, a jarring sight in a city where, not long ago, they were unlikely to keep their freedom or lives long enough to collect a paycheck.
“Sometimes I hear loud booms, but I don’t care,” said Zahandwir Aloui, a 25-year-old waiter with a wife and two children at home in Bangladesh. “I like working here.”
Recently he was clearing dishes at the upscale restaurant where he works, one of scores of better restaurants, homes and hotels where the waiters, cooks, clerks and housekeepers and attendants are increasingly likely to be from India, Uganda, Bangladesh, Nepal and Ethiopia.
These are not contract workers recruited by American firms like KBR or Halliburton to work at U.S. military cafeterias or to pull guard duty on the perimeter of U.S. bases, but men and women who have come to work for Iraqi businesses that would otherwise hire Iraqis. And even if the number of foreigners working for Iraqis is still small, it seems one more sign that the capital may be on the cusp of a return to normalcy.
Despite an unemployment rate in Iraq estimated to be as high as 40 percent, the problem here is the same as that at many places: Even though Iraqis are paid more than foreigners, business owners say it is nearly impossible to keep Iraqi staff members in low-level positions for longer than a few weeks.
“There are some jobs Iraqis won’t do, even if they don’t have jobs,” said Basil Radhi, 54, an Iraqi whose family owns a nearby restaurant.
Since the 2003 invasion by U.S. forces, few foreigners have strayed outside the heavily secured Green Zone, with the exception of well-armed U.S. soldiers, because foreigners had been targets of Sunni and Shiite militias, which carried out kidnappings and executions.
Even though Baghdad is safer now than it was in the first few years following the invasion, most of the recently arrived workers say they do not go far from their workplaces.
Aloui, the waiter, who earns double what he would at home, lives in a room at a hotel next door to the restaurant (where diners are searched for suicide belts before eating). He says he knows almost nothing about Baghdad aside from the dozen or so steps between the restaurant and the hotel. He has been told not to walk the street alone.
While Aloui works as many as 15 hours a day, six days a week, for his $250 monthly salary, not including a $50 monthly bonus, the restaurant’s Iraqi-born waiters earn more than double - that – even when they work far fewer hours.
The arrangement was defended by the restaurant’s owner, Hussein Qaduri, 28, whose previous restaurant was blown up by a suicide car bomb in 2004. Of his 45 employees, five are from Bangladesh. “I pay for their hotel, for their barber, for their medical treatment,” he said about his Bangladeshi waiters. “Everything comes directly from me.”
In the five months since the relative lull in violence allowed him to open his restaurant, Radhi said he has employed hundreds of native-born waiters, dishwashers, cleanup crews and cooks. He said he has had enough of what he calls Iraqis’ suspect work ethic and is in the process of looking for more foreign workers.
But on Tuesday, Abdullah al-Lami, a spokesman for Iraq’s Ministry of Labor and Social Work, said that while hiring foreign workers might have become commonplace in recent months, it is not lawful.
Employment companies obtain tourist visas for foreign workers, he said, and the visas do not permit the foreigners to hold jobs. “The employment offices that do this work are illegal,” Lami said. “The people who employ these workers are trying to take advantage of paying them low wages.”
But Bilal Hadi, co-owner of the Watania Co., one of a handful of employment agencies hiring foreign workers, said that he had, in fact, received the approval of the government and that he was not exploiting workers. The workers his company recruits to Iraq through its offices in Bangladesh and Dubai are contacted at least every other month to ensure they are being treated well. “Abuse might happen,” he said, “but it is not my fault.”
Companies seeking foreign workers typically hire “two or three for a taste to see if it works” before asking for more, he said.
In the month that the company has been open in Baghdad, Hadi said he had brought in 400 foreign workers, all of them presently employed.
Next, he said, he would like to hire European workers – Russians, Ukrainians and Georgians in particular – who would be in high demand as waitresses and housekeepers. He would hire them out for $350 a month, he said.
Among the city’s more recent arrivals are a group of six bakers who have come from Rajshahi, Bangladesh. They live together in a rooftop concrete bunker accessible by a flimsy 12-foot ladder perched above the bakery. The bathroom is down the ladder.
Despite the crowded conditions, Mohammed Ayub Hussein, 37, who has a wife and two children back home, said he would like to stay for a while.
“I want to be here maybe four or five years to make some money,” he said. When asked what he does aside from his all-night shift at the bakery, he shrugged. “I came here to work.”
New York Times
(Muhammed al-Obaidi and Suadad N. al-Salhy contributed reporting.)
Thursday, April 23, 2009
Ice fall blocks Everest route
KATHMANDU (Nepal) - AN ICE collapse near the base of Mount Everest has blocked the route of scores of climbers hoping to scale the world's highest peak, officials said on Thursday.
No one was reported injured in the ice collapse on Wednesday but the route has been blocked for
a few days, said Ang Tshering of the Nepal Mountaineering Association.
The section of the route called the Khumbu Icefall just above the base camp is one of the riskiest areas on the way to Everest's summit.
The ice collapse destroyed the path set by climbers and their Sherpa guides using aluminium ladders and ropes to move over the crevasses and shaky ice chunks.
Mr Tshering said it was lucky that no one was hurt since hundreds of climbers and their porters pass through the route at this time of year carrying equipment and supplies from the base camp to camps set up along the side of the mountain.
The spring climbing season is the most popular time to scale mountains in Nepal. Weather conditions generally remain calm for several days in May, giving climbers a window to hastily make their way to the summits and then retreat to safer altitudes.
A total of 65 teams have been given permission by Nepal's government to climb various mountains during the season. Of them, 25 teams are attempting Mount Everest, the world's highest peak at 29,035 feet (8,850 meters).
The Straits Times
No one was reported injured in the ice collapse on Wednesday but the route has been blocked for
a few days, said Ang Tshering of the Nepal Mountaineering Association.
The section of the route called the Khumbu Icefall just above the base camp is one of the riskiest areas on the way to Everest's summit.
The ice collapse destroyed the path set by climbers and their Sherpa guides using aluminium ladders and ropes to move over the crevasses and shaky ice chunks.
Mr Tshering said it was lucky that no one was hurt since hundreds of climbers and their porters pass through the route at this time of year carrying equipment and supplies from the base camp to camps set up along the side of the mountain.
The spring climbing season is the most popular time to scale mountains in Nepal. Weather conditions generally remain calm for several days in May, giving climbers a window to hastily make their way to the summits and then retreat to safer altitudes.
A total of 65 teams have been given permission by Nepal's government to climb various mountains during the season. Of them, 25 teams are attempting Mount Everest, the world's highest peak at 29,035 feet (8,850 meters).
The Straits Times
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
Now, stay connected even on top of Mt. Everest
Kathmandu (PTI): Climbers may soon be able to converse on their cellphones from Mt Everest, with Nepal's state-run telecommunication firm planning to install mobile network facilities near the world's highest peak.
Nepal Telecom will install a satellite antenna in Gorak Shep, located at an altitude of 5,160 metres, to extend the cellphone service on top of the world.
Mobile phone services may be available on Mt Everest (8,848m) through both GSM and CDMA handsets, according to officials of Nepal Telecom (NT).
"We are planning to commence the service by mid-June this year," Anoop Ranjan Bhattarai, chief of NT's satellite division, told local media website myrepublica.com.
"We hope it will provide an alternative to those currently relying on satellite phone services such as the one provided by Thuraya," he said.
NT has installed satellite antennas in around seven locations in the Mt Everest region, including Lukla and Namche Bazar, located at 2,800 metres and 3,440 metres above sea level, according to the official.
These antennas can manage services to around 3,000 calls at once, the official said, adding "the capacity will be increased depending on the traffic in the region."
NT currently has around 2.8 million cellphone subscribers across the country.
Nepal Telecom will install a satellite antenna in Gorak Shep, located at an altitude of 5,160 metres, to extend the cellphone service on top of the world.
Mobile phone services may be available on Mt Everest (8,848m) through both GSM and CDMA handsets, according to officials of Nepal Telecom (NT).
"We are planning to commence the service by mid-June this year," Anoop Ranjan Bhattarai, chief of NT's satellite division, told local media website myrepublica.com.
"We hope it will provide an alternative to those currently relying on satellite phone services such as the one provided by Thuraya," he said.
NT has installed satellite antennas in around seven locations in the Mt Everest region, including Lukla and Namche Bazar, located at 2,800 metres and 3,440 metres above sea level, according to the official.
These antennas can manage services to around 3,000 calls at once, the official said, adding "the capacity will be increased depending on the traffic in the region."
NT currently has around 2.8 million cellphone subscribers across the country.
Tuesday, April 21, 2009
ADB Approves Grant to Help Nepal Recover from Monsoon Floods
MANILA, PHILIPPINES - A US$25.6 million grant from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) will help restore economic activity to parts of Nepal devastated by last year's monsoon floods.
More than 300,000 people living in the eastern and far western region of the country were seriously affected by the August floods, and the landslides that followed. Flood damage to infrastructure and livelihoods amounted to an estimated $88 million, and thousands of people, mostly the poor, were displaced.
The government, supported by the UN and non-government organizations, responded effectively in the initial phase. However, thousands remained displaced and the extent of the damage has prompted the need for further assistance.
The ADB Board of Directors today approved the grant to fund the Emergency Flood Damage Rehabilitation Project, which was based on a joint assessment carried out by the ADB and UN agencies, and the government's preliminary estimate of flood damage.
The project aims to return economic activity to normal as soon as possible in the affected areas, and also to help reduce future risk from similar disasters.
"The floods slowed progress in poverty reduction, with the poor and the vulnerable suffering most in terms of losses," says Ki H. Ryu, ADB's Project Team Leader. "This project will help improve the livelihoods of many of those affected."
The project will focus on the western districts of Kailali and Kanchanur, and the district of Sunsari in the far east.
Key infrastructure, such as roads, bridges and irrigation channels, will be built or repaired, and landslide stabilization work undertaken to avoid similar disasters in the future.
Water supply systems will also be rebuilt or installed to provide access to drinking water and sanitation facilities. A health and hygiene awareness program will be instigated in all three districts.
In addition, seeds and compost and basic farm equipment will be distributed to grow crops suitable for sandy soil. Fishponds will also be rehabilitated, fingerlings distributed, and agricultural collection centers and marketplaces reconstructed.
ADB will source the grant from its Special Funds resources to cover the bulk of the $32 million project cost. The balance will come from the Government of Nepal. The Ministry of Physical Planning and Works will be the project's executing agency.
More than 300,000 people living in the eastern and far western region of the country were seriously affected by the August floods, and the landslides that followed. Flood damage to infrastructure and livelihoods amounted to an estimated $88 million, and thousands of people, mostly the poor, were displaced.
The government, supported by the UN and non-government organizations, responded effectively in the initial phase. However, thousands remained displaced and the extent of the damage has prompted the need for further assistance.
The ADB Board of Directors today approved the grant to fund the Emergency Flood Damage Rehabilitation Project, which was based on a joint assessment carried out by the ADB and UN agencies, and the government's preliminary estimate of flood damage.
The project aims to return economic activity to normal as soon as possible in the affected areas, and also to help reduce future risk from similar disasters.
"The floods slowed progress in poverty reduction, with the poor and the vulnerable suffering most in terms of losses," says Ki H. Ryu, ADB's Project Team Leader. "This project will help improve the livelihoods of many of those affected."
The project will focus on the western districts of Kailali and Kanchanur, and the district of Sunsari in the far east.
Key infrastructure, such as roads, bridges and irrigation channels, will be built or repaired, and landslide stabilization work undertaken to avoid similar disasters in the future.
Water supply systems will also be rebuilt or installed to provide access to drinking water and sanitation facilities. A health and hygiene awareness program will be instigated in all three districts.
In addition, seeds and compost and basic farm equipment will be distributed to grow crops suitable for sandy soil. Fishponds will also be rehabilitated, fingerlings distributed, and agricultural collection centers and marketplaces reconstructed.
ADB will source the grant from its Special Funds resources to cover the bulk of the $32 million project cost. The balance will come from the Government of Nepal. The Ministry of Physical Planning and Works will be the project's executing agency.
Nepal drive against crooked recruiters
Visiting Nepalese labour minister Lek Raj Bhatta has warned that the government in Nepal is initiating strict action against Nepalese nationals, in particular manpower agents, who are “making the lives of their compatriots abroad miserable”.
The minister was briefing journalists on action being initiated by the nation’s government against several manpower agencies in that country over the last few months.
Bhatta said the government has cancelled the registration and licenses of 126 agencies followings complaints. Huge fines have also been imposed for violating recruitment rules, he said.
“If the government received complaints against manpower agencies run by Nepalese abroad, we will act immediately,” said Bhatta.
Yesterday, on the basis of the complaints received from the Nepalese embassy, the minister promised to initiate steps to cancel the passport of a Nepalese manpower agent in Doha. The agent was in the news recently after workers he recruited for companies in Qatar were left stranded in the country for several months. Last month, the Nepal foreign minister who was on a visit had recommended deporting of the agent to Nepal.
Most of the 40 stranded workers had to turn to the community for repatriation. The minister also met yesterday the last member of the group, who is still in Qatar. He promised to repatriate him at the earliest.
Bhatta said: “Qatar is now the most sought after destination for people from Nepal.” He felt that Qatar has not been hit heavily by the global economic slowdown. “The figures available with us suggest that in January this year, Qatar received almost the same number of Nepalese workers as it received during the same month last year,” he said.
The government has approved of 112,000 visas for Nepalese nationals, he added.
The minister said more than 600 people leave Nepal daily to take up jobs abroad. “Qatar and Saudi Arabia receive the highest numbers,” he said. “ Our country is in a transitional phase and ours is a remittance-based economy, the minister added. “No other country is providing as many jobs to Nepalese expatriates as Qatar does,” said Bhatta.
The minister said there are 300,000 Nepalese expatriates in Saudi Arabia and Qatar. UAE (125,000), Bahrain (45,000) and Kuwait (50,000) too have large Nepalese populations, he said.
“There used to be around 400,000 Nepalese workers in Malaysia. However, now numbers in that country are falling drastically,” he said.
Nepalese ambassador Dy Suryanath Mishra, who was also present at the meeting, said of the 86,000 Nepalese workers who had arrived in Qatar, only 44,000 had valid visa attestations.
He said the embassy was planning to promote travel to Nepal in a large way in coming months.
“Not many locals in Qatar seem to be aware that Nepal is an extremely beautiful country,” he said. The envoy said as in the previous year, a Nepalese cultural festival is planned in Qatar this year as well.
The ambassador said though a considerably large number of European tourists living in this region travel to Nepal, not many Arabs are among the visitors.
Later speaking at a community meet Bhatta appealed to his countrymen to respect Qatar’s labour laws. He strongly discouraged strikes by Nepalese living abroad. He said strikes would tarnish the image of Nepalese workers.
“If there is a dispute, workers should bring the issue to the attention of the embassy, if required and should also listen to what the labour court says,” he said.
The minister said community forum representatives have a major role in instilling discipline among workers groups. “They should tell workers to obey the labour law of the country where they work and not to resort to anything that would bring a bad image to the Nepalese community,” he said.
The minister said he had held some “fruitful” discussions with Qatar minister for labour HE Dr Sultan bin Hassan al-Dhabit al-Dousari on Sunday.
Gulf Times
The minister was briefing journalists on action being initiated by the nation’s government against several manpower agencies in that country over the last few months.
Bhatta said the government has cancelled the registration and licenses of 126 agencies followings complaints. Huge fines have also been imposed for violating recruitment rules, he said.
“If the government received complaints against manpower agencies run by Nepalese abroad, we will act immediately,” said Bhatta.
Yesterday, on the basis of the complaints received from the Nepalese embassy, the minister promised to initiate steps to cancel the passport of a Nepalese manpower agent in Doha. The agent was in the news recently after workers he recruited for companies in Qatar were left stranded in the country for several months. Last month, the Nepal foreign minister who was on a visit had recommended deporting of the agent to Nepal.
Most of the 40 stranded workers had to turn to the community for repatriation. The minister also met yesterday the last member of the group, who is still in Qatar. He promised to repatriate him at the earliest.
Bhatta said: “Qatar is now the most sought after destination for people from Nepal.” He felt that Qatar has not been hit heavily by the global economic slowdown. “The figures available with us suggest that in January this year, Qatar received almost the same number of Nepalese workers as it received during the same month last year,” he said.
The government has approved of 112,000 visas for Nepalese nationals, he added.
The minister said more than 600 people leave Nepal daily to take up jobs abroad. “Qatar and Saudi Arabia receive the highest numbers,” he said. “ Our country is in a transitional phase and ours is a remittance-based economy, the minister added. “No other country is providing as many jobs to Nepalese expatriates as Qatar does,” said Bhatta.
The minister said there are 300,000 Nepalese expatriates in Saudi Arabia and Qatar. UAE (125,000), Bahrain (45,000) and Kuwait (50,000) too have large Nepalese populations, he said.
“There used to be around 400,000 Nepalese workers in Malaysia. However, now numbers in that country are falling drastically,” he said.
Nepalese ambassador Dy Suryanath Mishra, who was also present at the meeting, said of the 86,000 Nepalese workers who had arrived in Qatar, only 44,000 had valid visa attestations.
He said the embassy was planning to promote travel to Nepal in a large way in coming months.
“Not many locals in Qatar seem to be aware that Nepal is an extremely beautiful country,” he said. The envoy said as in the previous year, a Nepalese cultural festival is planned in Qatar this year as well.
The ambassador said though a considerably large number of European tourists living in this region travel to Nepal, not many Arabs are among the visitors.
Later speaking at a community meet Bhatta appealed to his countrymen to respect Qatar’s labour laws. He strongly discouraged strikes by Nepalese living abroad. He said strikes would tarnish the image of Nepalese workers.
“If there is a dispute, workers should bring the issue to the attention of the embassy, if required and should also listen to what the labour court says,” he said.
The minister said community forum representatives have a major role in instilling discipline among workers groups. “They should tell workers to obey the labour law of the country where they work and not to resort to anything that would bring a bad image to the Nepalese community,” he said.
The minister said he had held some “fruitful” discussions with Qatar minister for labour HE Dr Sultan bin Hassan al-Dhabit al-Dousari on Sunday.
Gulf Times
Monday, April 20, 2009
India alarmed as Maoists resume war on Nepal Army
Kathmandu: When Nepal's Maoist revolutionaries waged an underground war against the state to end monarchy in the Himalayan kingdom, the Nepal Army was their biggest foe.
Now, three years after the guerrillas signed a ceasefire, returned to mainstream politics and formed the government by winning a historic election, they have resumed their fight with the state forces, to the alarm of neighbour India.
On Monday, India's ambassador to Nepal Rakesh Sood met Maoist Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda after indications that the government was planning to fire the current Nepal Army (NA) chief, Gen Rookmangud Katawal.
Katawal, a graduate of India's National Defence Academy and Indian Military Academy, has had a stormy innings since he assumed his post in 2006. While human rights organisations accused him of atrocities during the insurgency, Katawal, who was adopted by deposed king Gyanendra's father king Mahendra, was also regarded as being close to the palace.
During his stormy tenure, Katawal has locked horns with Maoist Defence Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa, defied the Maoist government's order to stop recruitment to NA, and opposed the Maoist plan to induct guerrillas of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) en masse.
A fresh provocation occurred this month when the new government held the National Games after a hiatus of eight years.
Protesting against the last-minute inclusion of the PLA in the Games, the NA boycotted the programme, angering the Maoist top brass.
On Sunday, Prachanda met Katawal and reportedly asked him to resign.
Katawal's tenure will end in August. If he declines the sop of becoming the PM's security adviser or an ambassador and refuses to step down, the Maoist government seems poised to remove him.
The defence ministry has asked him to furnish an explanation within 24 hours, threatening to remove him if the explanation is found "unsatisfactory".
The Katawal crisis comes while the Maoist government is fighting a legal battle against eight senior army officers.
The feud erupted last month when the army headquarters recommended that eight brigadier-generals nearing retirement be given a three-year extension.
The government ignored the recommendation and forced them to retire, triggering a court battle.
The beginning of fresh hostilities between the two forces has revived fears that the government would not be able to effect their integration, which is regarded as a key step in the fragile peace process.
India, keen to see Nepal draft a new constitution within the stipulated deadline next year, is concerned that the new clash could derail the peace process. New Delhi has been asking the government to work in harmony with its coalition partners as well as the main opposition party to ensure peace and progress.
The Hindu
Now, three years after the guerrillas signed a ceasefire, returned to mainstream politics and formed the government by winning a historic election, they have resumed their fight with the state forces, to the alarm of neighbour India.
On Monday, India's ambassador to Nepal Rakesh Sood met Maoist Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda after indications that the government was planning to fire the current Nepal Army (NA) chief, Gen Rookmangud Katawal.
Katawal, a graduate of India's National Defence Academy and Indian Military Academy, has had a stormy innings since he assumed his post in 2006. While human rights organisations accused him of atrocities during the insurgency, Katawal, who was adopted by deposed king Gyanendra's father king Mahendra, was also regarded as being close to the palace.
During his stormy tenure, Katawal has locked horns with Maoist Defence Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa, defied the Maoist government's order to stop recruitment to NA, and opposed the Maoist plan to induct guerrillas of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) en masse.
A fresh provocation occurred this month when the new government held the National Games after a hiatus of eight years.
Protesting against the last-minute inclusion of the PLA in the Games, the NA boycotted the programme, angering the Maoist top brass.
On Sunday, Prachanda met Katawal and reportedly asked him to resign.
Katawal's tenure will end in August. If he declines the sop of becoming the PM's security adviser or an ambassador and refuses to step down, the Maoist government seems poised to remove him.
The defence ministry has asked him to furnish an explanation within 24 hours, threatening to remove him if the explanation is found "unsatisfactory".
The Katawal crisis comes while the Maoist government is fighting a legal battle against eight senior army officers.
The feud erupted last month when the army headquarters recommended that eight brigadier-generals nearing retirement be given a three-year extension.
The government ignored the recommendation and forced them to retire, triggering a court battle.
The beginning of fresh hostilities between the two forces has revived fears that the government would not be able to effect their integration, which is regarded as a key step in the fragile peace process.
India, keen to see Nepal draft a new constitution within the stipulated deadline next year, is concerned that the new clash could derail the peace process. New Delhi has been asking the government to work in harmony with its coalition partners as well as the main opposition party to ensure peace and progress.
The Hindu
Friday, April 17, 2009
Q+A-How big a threat are the Maoists in India?
By Bappa Majumdar
NEW DELHI, April 16 (Reuters) - Indian Maoists have stepped up attacks in east and central Indian states in a bid to disrupt the first phase of the country’s general election whichstarted on Thursday.
The rebels, who say they are fighting for the rights of poor farmers and landless labourers, surprised the police with simultaneous attacks in at least five states.
As in previous years, they have called for a boycott of elections. At least 18 people were killed, including five election officials and 11 police, as rebels set off landmines,snatched ballot boxes and destroyed voting machines.
Here are a series of questions and answers about the Maoists and their growing threat in India.
WHO ARE THE MAOISTS?
They started an armed struggle with a peasant revolt in Naxalbari village in West Bengal state in 1967 but were initially crushed by the Congress-led government. Afterregrouping in the 1980s, they began recruiting hundreds of poor villagers, arming them with bows and arrows and even rifles snatched from police and government armouries.
Indian authorities say they are led by Koteshwar Rao, alias Kishanjee, who is in charge of militant activities, and Ganapati (one name), the political leader. Neither have beenseen in public and remain hidden in dense forest bases.
HOW BIG IS THE MOVEMENT?
The rebels have an estimated 22,000 combatants in more than 180 of the country’s 630 districts, according to the government and the Institute for Conflict Management (IFCM), a New Delhithink-tank.
WHERE ARE THEY ACTIVE?
They operate across a “red corridor” stretching from the southern state of Andhra Pradesh to the central state of Chhattisgarh and into West Bengal.
HOW DO THEY GET ARMS?
They are in touch with other militant groups operating in India, including groups in Kashmir and the northeast, who help them. Police say they are equipped with automatic weapons,shoulder rocket launchers, mines and explosives.
DO THEY HAVE LINKS TO MAOISTS IN NEPAL?
India’s intelligence department suspect the Maoists of maintaining a link with their counterparts in Nepal, who have now become legitimate and have formed the government.
HOW BIG A THREAT ARE THEY TO INDIA’S STABILITY?
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has described the insurgency as the biggest internal security challenge since independence. More than 1,000 attacks were recorded last year, and the Maoistsregularly attack railway lines and factories, aiming to cripple economic activity. Police believe they have started to make inroads into cities and other urban areas.
Thursday, April 16, 2009
Nepal minister’s 160 metre plunge to promote tourism
KATHMANDU: Nepal's tourism minister Hisila Yami today jumped from the 160 metre high suspension bridge over Bhotekoshi river, in order to promote Nepal as a prime adventure tourism destination as part of Nepal Tourism Year 2011 campaign.
Nepal aims to bring in one million tourists, more than double of the current 400,000 visitors by 2011.
"It was exciting and thrilling experience for me, but I am not scared as I have jumped many times in the forest during the decade long armed conflict, said Yami Maoist activist turned minister after participating in the bungee jumping event yesterday at the Bungee Nepal, a natural bungee site situated near Tatopani border area.
She was accompanied by over a dozen other jumpers including first Nepalese woman sky-diver Maya Gurung and women Everest summiteers Pujan Acharya, Asha Singh and Ngawang Phuti Sherpa.
The Bungee Nepal established in 1998 is the Nepal's only bungee jumping venue, which is also the world's third highest bungee site.
Yami, wife of Finance Minister and senior Maoist leader Baburam Bhattarai, said she has been involved in sports since her college years in Delhi School of Architecture in 1980s where she was honoured as the best sports woman.
"I was very curious to participate in the bungee jump and fulfilled my wishes today," said the first Nepalese minister to participate in the sport.
I wanted to prove that Nepal is one of the best destination for sports tourism as well as adventure tourism, she said adding women are none the less competent than men in world of adventure.
Nepal is the safest place for those wishing to experience adventure tourism, she pointed out. At a time when south Asia is regarded as an unsafe destination, Nepal wants to promote it as a safer destination through adventure sports, she added. Adventure tourism will help Nepal to recover from the negative effects of global depression, she hoped.
We wanted to promote public, private partnership in order to develop tourism sector, she said.
The bungee sports attracted around 20 bungee jumpers out of which 30% were local visitors, according to Bungy Nepal. However, Indian visitors comprise just one percent of who arrive in the venue for adventure sports.
The bungee sports attracted around 20 bungee jumpers out of which 30% were local visitors, according to Bungy Nepal. However, Indian visitors comprise just one percent of who arrive in the venue for adventure sports.
Source: Times of India
Tuesday, April 14, 2009
Students go hungry to raise funds for Nepal
By Allison Vail - Ladysmith Chronicle
Students at Ladysmith Secondary plan on going hungry to build a school in Nepal.
The School for a School group, along with STAAR (Students Taking Action Against Racism) are raising money through a 30 hour fast. They are fundraising and committing to going 30 hours without eating.
The fast starts at 6 a.m. on April 15, and finishes at noon on April 16.
“I’ll assume it will be tough,” said Stuart Armstrong, one of the event organizers.
Plenty of funds are needed.
“Originally we needed $17,000,” said Armstrong, noting the price has gone up this year and now the students need to raise $38,000 to build a school. “We won’t be able to [reach] that this year.”
He said they may have to join Ladysmith’s funds with another school that hasn’t raised enough money to build a school.
This is year two for fundraising for a school. STAR was running the project, but this year there was no one to do it and School for a School was formed.
“This year no one was going to take it over, so we did,” said Trevor Burton.
“If we didn’t it would have just ended,” Armstrong said. “We wanted to finish our own project.”
Earlier in the school year, School for a School held a Nickels for Nepal coin drive and raised money through a concession at the senior boy’s basketball Island tournament.
Students are collecting pledges for the fast, and those who get more than $50 are going to stay overnight at the school and participate in a spelling bee, perhaps watch a movie and play board games.
“It’s a lot to organize,” said Kieran Tombs. “And it’s a lot of work to do. It has been a challenge but at the same time it’s been very rewarding.”
He said they wanted to build a school to give people an opportunity to learn at the same level as LSS student do.
Armstrong said he thinks the 30 hour fast will be the most successful fundraising event of the year at the school.
Students can sign up to participate right up to April 15.
Donations from the community can also be made at the school at 250-245-3043.
Including this year’s fast, the total donations should reach more than $10,000.
Students at Ladysmith Secondary plan on going hungry to build a school in Nepal.
The School for a School group, along with STAAR (Students Taking Action Against Racism) are raising money through a 30 hour fast. They are fundraising and committing to going 30 hours without eating.
The fast starts at 6 a.m. on April 15, and finishes at noon on April 16.
“I’ll assume it will be tough,” said Stuart Armstrong, one of the event organizers.
Plenty of funds are needed.
“Originally we needed $17,000,” said Armstrong, noting the price has gone up this year and now the students need to raise $38,000 to build a school. “We won’t be able to [reach] that this year.”
He said they may have to join Ladysmith’s funds with another school that hasn’t raised enough money to build a school.
This is year two for fundraising for a school. STAR was running the project, but this year there was no one to do it and School for a School was formed.
“This year no one was going to take it over, so we did,” said Trevor Burton.
“If we didn’t it would have just ended,” Armstrong said. “We wanted to finish our own project.”
Earlier in the school year, School for a School held a Nickels for Nepal coin drive and raised money through a concession at the senior boy’s basketball Island tournament.
Students are collecting pledges for the fast, and those who get more than $50 are going to stay overnight at the school and participate in a spelling bee, perhaps watch a movie and play board games.
“It’s a lot to organize,” said Kieran Tombs. “And it’s a lot of work to do. It has been a challenge but at the same time it’s been very rewarding.”
He said they wanted to build a school to give people an opportunity to learn at the same level as LSS student do.
Armstrong said he thinks the 30 hour fast will be the most successful fundraising event of the year at the school.
Students can sign up to participate right up to April 15.
Donations from the community can also be made at the school at 250-245-3043.
Including this year’s fast, the total donations should reach more than $10,000.
Monday, April 13, 2009
Tensions threaten Nepal peace process
Fears are growing of a breakdown in the reconciliation between Nepal’s national army and former Maoist rebels now heading the government, threatening the Himalayan state’s three-year-old peace process.
The country is struggling to integrate 19,000 Maoist cadres into the national army, forces which were bitter adversaries during an 11-year civil war and which remain deeply suspicious of one another.
“We are at a serious threat of civil war as the Maoists have shown [their] intention to capture power by integrating their combatants in the national army,” said Sushil Koirala, acting president of the Nepali Congress party.
His party played a big role in bringing the Maoists to the peace process and is now in opposition. “The [government’s] coalition members are likely to withdraw support to the government very soon. If the Maoists [refuse] to step down in that situation, the military takeover is quite possible.”
Disputes have arisen over new recruits to the Nepalese army and the extension of the terms of eight generals. The Maoists unsuccessfully challenged the new appointments in the Supreme Court.
The army, meanwhile, has complained it is being denied resources to counter a regional terror threat and of China’s growing influence in the country.
But in the latest sign of tensions, the army has threatened to withdraw players from events in Nepal’s national games, which begin on Monday, because Maoists are also competing.
So great are the tensions between the government and the army that Ram Bahadur Thapa “Badal”, the defence minister, and chief of army staff Rook Mangud Katwal are not on speaking terms. They rely on Puspa Kamal Dahal, prime minister, to mediate between them.
“Retaliation is very much likely if the Maoist government continues with its current behaviour or tries to irritate us further,” warned a senior general on condition of anonymity.
Analysts say the country’s difficulties with the military integration go hand in hand with political reconciliation and agreement over a new constitution.
“Lack of progress on one of these impinges on the other,” said a former diplomat to Kathmandu, Nepal’s capital.
The diplomat also said that there were practical concerns over the size of the army, which numbers about 100,000 people, and how to equate ranks in the regular army with those in the former guerrilla force.
“A few thousand extra troops will swell the ranks of the army, which is already fairly large for Nepal,” he said.
“The entire 19,000 [cadres] certified by the United Nations cannot be taken in. Only a certain number of those will have to be taken.”
Karin Landgren, the head of the United Nations mission in Nepal, has appealed for the re-establishment of “trust and confidence” between the rival parties, saying reconciliation had come under strain in the past months.
The Maoist government is continuing its fight in the Supreme Court. It has lodged a plea at the court to reconsider its stay order on the state not to obstruct the extension of the eight generals’ terms in office.
The head of the army declined to comment on the challenges facing the force. “The Nepal army is committed to democracy and the rule of law. Our only stand is we won’t carry any one party’s flag,” said Rook Mangud Katwal, the chief of army staff.
The Financial Times
The country is struggling to integrate 19,000 Maoist cadres into the national army, forces which were bitter adversaries during an 11-year civil war and which remain deeply suspicious of one another.
“We are at a serious threat of civil war as the Maoists have shown [their] intention to capture power by integrating their combatants in the national army,” said Sushil Koirala, acting president of the Nepali Congress party.
His party played a big role in bringing the Maoists to the peace process and is now in opposition. “The [government’s] coalition members are likely to withdraw support to the government very soon. If the Maoists [refuse] to step down in that situation, the military takeover is quite possible.”
Disputes have arisen over new recruits to the Nepalese army and the extension of the terms of eight generals. The Maoists unsuccessfully challenged the new appointments in the Supreme Court.
The army, meanwhile, has complained it is being denied resources to counter a regional terror threat and of China’s growing influence in the country.
But in the latest sign of tensions, the army has threatened to withdraw players from events in Nepal’s national games, which begin on Monday, because Maoists are also competing.
So great are the tensions between the government and the army that Ram Bahadur Thapa “Badal”, the defence minister, and chief of army staff Rook Mangud Katwal are not on speaking terms. They rely on Puspa Kamal Dahal, prime minister, to mediate between them.
“Retaliation is very much likely if the Maoist government continues with its current behaviour or tries to irritate us further,” warned a senior general on condition of anonymity.
Analysts say the country’s difficulties with the military integration go hand in hand with political reconciliation and agreement over a new constitution.
“Lack of progress on one of these impinges on the other,” said a former diplomat to Kathmandu, Nepal’s capital.
The diplomat also said that there were practical concerns over the size of the army, which numbers about 100,000 people, and how to equate ranks in the regular army with those in the former guerrilla force.
“A few thousand extra troops will swell the ranks of the army, which is already fairly large for Nepal,” he said.
“The entire 19,000 [cadres] certified by the United Nations cannot be taken in. Only a certain number of those will have to be taken.”
Karin Landgren, the head of the United Nations mission in Nepal, has appealed for the re-establishment of “trust and confidence” between the rival parties, saying reconciliation had come under strain in the past months.
The Maoist government is continuing its fight in the Supreme Court. It has lodged a plea at the court to reconsider its stay order on the state not to obstruct the extension of the eight generals’ terms in office.
The head of the army declined to comment on the challenges facing the force. “The Nepal army is committed to democracy and the rule of law. Our only stand is we won’t carry any one party’s flag,” said Rook Mangud Katwal, the chief of army staff.
The Financial Times
Thursday, April 9, 2009
Sherpa siblings eye for new Everest record
By Binaj Gurbacharya for The Associated Press
Between the three of them, the Sherpa brothers have climbed Mount Everest 16 times. The eldest raced up the world's highest mountain in eight hours and 10 minutes, the record for the fastest-ever ascent.
Now, the trio want to scale Everest together, and they aim to break the record for time spent at the summit, known as "the death zone," by staying at the 29,035-foot (8,850-meter) peak for 24 hours. Most climbers linger there for only a few minutes, just long enough to take a photograph from the top of the world.
"It is going to be difficult but I know we can do it," said Pemba Dorje, 31, the oldest brother. "I feel safer on the mountain trail than on the city streets."
Dorje and his brothers, Nima Gyalzen, 23, and Phurba Tenzing, 20, hail from a family of climbers, and grew up in the foothills of the Himalayas. They have each worked many times as Sherpas, or mountain guides known for their knowledge and endurance.
For their trip together, which they begin Saturday, they plan to guide foreign climbers and share their permit to cut down on the hefty expenses, which can run as high as $70,000 per team. They hope to reach the summit by mid-May.
They also plan to take along with them icons from Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity and Islam to leave at the mountain's peak.
"We will take these items to the summit and pray for world peace," Dorje said.
The brothers know all too well the dangers they face.
They have seen many climbers get sick at the summit, and in 2007 Dorje saw a Japanese man die just minutes after reaching the top.
The extreme cold weather, low air pressure, brain-starving low level of oxygen, high winds and blizzard conditions will hardly allow the brothers to sleep.
Babu Chhiri, a veteran mountaineer who died in 2001 during an expedition, spent 21 hours at the summit in 1999 — the current record — and later said he was afraid if he slept, he would not wake up.
Dorje said he has spent significant time in past expeditions in heights above 26,000 feet (8,000 meters) and he and his brothers are prepared for the harsh conditions.
"We are going to be praying a lot, taking notes of the changing temperatures and the effect it has on the human bodies," he said.
Amid his preparations in Katmandu, Dorje said he was not scared. "I am not afraid to die on the mountains."
Between the three of them, the Sherpa brothers have climbed Mount Everest 16 times. The eldest raced up the world's highest mountain in eight hours and 10 minutes, the record for the fastest-ever ascent.
Now, the trio want to scale Everest together, and they aim to break the record for time spent at the summit, known as "the death zone," by staying at the 29,035-foot (8,850-meter) peak for 24 hours. Most climbers linger there for only a few minutes, just long enough to take a photograph from the top of the world.
"It is going to be difficult but I know we can do it," said Pemba Dorje, 31, the oldest brother. "I feel safer on the mountain trail than on the city streets."
Dorje and his brothers, Nima Gyalzen, 23, and Phurba Tenzing, 20, hail from a family of climbers, and grew up in the foothills of the Himalayas. They have each worked many times as Sherpas, or mountain guides known for their knowledge and endurance.
For their trip together, which they begin Saturday, they plan to guide foreign climbers and share their permit to cut down on the hefty expenses, which can run as high as $70,000 per team. They hope to reach the summit by mid-May.
They also plan to take along with them icons from Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity and Islam to leave at the mountain's peak.
"We will take these items to the summit and pray for world peace," Dorje said.
The brothers know all too well the dangers they face.
They have seen many climbers get sick at the summit, and in 2007 Dorje saw a Japanese man die just minutes after reaching the top.
The extreme cold weather, low air pressure, brain-starving low level of oxygen, high winds and blizzard conditions will hardly allow the brothers to sleep.
Babu Chhiri, a veteran mountaineer who died in 2001 during an expedition, spent 21 hours at the summit in 1999 — the current record — and later said he was afraid if he slept, he would not wake up.
Dorje said he has spent significant time in past expeditions in heights above 26,000 feet (8,000 meters) and he and his brothers are prepared for the harsh conditions.
"We are going to be praying a lot, taking notes of the changing temperatures and the effect it has on the human bodies," he said.
Amid his preparations in Katmandu, Dorje said he was not scared. "I am not afraid to die on the mountains."
Wednesday, April 8, 2009
Nepal's Palace Massacre: Skeletons Still in the Closet?
By Ishaan Tharoor for Time
It's a story worthy of Shakespearean tragedy, populated by characters plucked from a farce. There is the beloved monarch, magnanimous and complacent. There is the moody crown prince. There is the prince's cousin — a "playboy" with a belly and a ponytail — who, after years of silence, professes alone to know the truth of his royal family's demise. And in the background are the Maoists, once guerrillas, now rulers, keen to spin this whole set piece to their political advantage.
Nepal's palace massacre in 2001 — when the Crown Prince Dipendra allegedly gunned down 10 members of his own family, including his father, King Birendra Shah, before shooting himself — has, for the most part, receded into memory in this impoverished Himalayan nation. Since then, a Maoist rebellion found its way into power, transformed the kingdom into a republican democracy and abolished the institution of the monarchy altogether last year. Yet the current government, headed by the former rebels, still indulges in periodic bouts of royal-bashing, often to paper over the increasingly apparent shortcomings of their own rule. As fuel lines in Kathmandu stretch more than two kilometers and power cuts ravage the country, the Maoists announced last month their intention to form a commission to revisit the massacre eight years after it happened, tightening the screw on the lingering survivors of the 250-year-old monarchy.
That decision has put some of the chief remaining royals on the defensive. Though investigations in the immediate aftermath of the attack closed the case, pinning the blame on an emotional Prince Dipendra, most Nepalis never quite accepted the accession of Birendra's businessman brother, Gyanendra, to the throne, and balked at his son Paras becoming crown prince. Paras is known chiefly for his penchant for fast cars and liquor, often in combination. But last week he titillated the nation by leaking to a tabloid in Singapore — where he now lives in a luxury home — alleged proof of how his cousin Dipendra had secretly plotted the murder for years, in what could shape up to be a bid to distance himself from the government's renewed scrutiny of the incident and any possible arrest, now that he is no longer royalty.
The established narrative of the tragedy suggests Dipendra was in a drunken fury, irate that his father and family continued to disapprove of his relationship with a woman from a rival clan of nobles. It was supposedly a crime of passion and intoxication — but Paras told Singapore's New Paper: "There was no smell of alcohol on [Dipendra]." According to Paras, the crown prince had intended to take down his popular father ever since Birendra relinquished absolute power after pro-democracy protests in 1990. The loss of that political mandate was made worse for Dipendra after his father scuttled an arms deal with a German rifle maker that could have yielded the prince a windfall of over $1 million. "That was the real trigger," claimed Paras, though former aides to the monarchy have denied such a transaction was ever in the works.
In yet another new twist, Paras also told the New Paper he may return to Nepal and participate in electoral politics, heading up a party of "young professionals and bankers" — but it seems unlikely the deeply unpopular 37-year-old — an embodiment, for many, of royal excess — would gain much from such a venture. "That's what everyone in Nepal is laughing about," says Kunda Dixit, editor of the Nepali Times, a Kathmandu-based weekly. "It's remarkable how quickly people here have otherwise forgotten the monarchy," he says.
The Maoists, though, who waged a decade-long war against the royal army, have not forgotten so easily. A recent trip to India by Gyanendra, who lives quietly in a private residence in the capital, prompted howls of outrage from members of government, wary of his dealings with Nepal's influential southern neighbor. The Maoists, observers say, need to raise the specter of royalist nefariousness to boost their own flagging support. "They need to create a sense of threat, of a larger enemy, to distract the people from their failings," says Dixit.
Those failings include the nine-month-old government's inability to provide much-needed development, from infrastructure to energy. This year, Kathmandu has suffered routine 17-hour power cuts, which has led to a drying up of foreign investment. Enduring fuel shortages have sent commodities' prices soaring and the financial downturn has led to thousands of overseas workers — whose remittances comprise some 16% of the national GDP —returning home, unemployed. National security has also deteriorated, partially as a consequence of the government's failure to integrate the roughly 30,000-strong Maoist rebel army, still quartered in remote camps throughout the country, with the formerly royalist state forces. Some frustrated Maoist commanders have even called for the overthrow of their own democratic government.
In the face of this, few in Kathmandu expect much from the inquiry into the royal family's murder. Many other questions remain unanswered from Nepal's decade-long civil war. Over 13,000 died, many of whom were civilians, both at the hands of rebel and government soldiers. But neither the ruling Maoists nor elements of the old royalist regime have heeded calls to investigate charges of war crimes. "Not a single case has been prosecuted so far," says Manjushree Thapa, author of Forget Kathmandu, an award-winning history of the conflict. "As ever," she says, "we Nepalis are not used to finding out the truth."
It's a story worthy of Shakespearean tragedy, populated by characters plucked from a farce. There is the beloved monarch, magnanimous and complacent. There is the moody crown prince. There is the prince's cousin — a "playboy" with a belly and a ponytail — who, after years of silence, professes alone to know the truth of his royal family's demise. And in the background are the Maoists, once guerrillas, now rulers, keen to spin this whole set piece to their political advantage.
Nepal's palace massacre in 2001 — when the Crown Prince Dipendra allegedly gunned down 10 members of his own family, including his father, King Birendra Shah, before shooting himself — has, for the most part, receded into memory in this impoverished Himalayan nation. Since then, a Maoist rebellion found its way into power, transformed the kingdom into a republican democracy and abolished the institution of the monarchy altogether last year. Yet the current government, headed by the former rebels, still indulges in periodic bouts of royal-bashing, often to paper over the increasingly apparent shortcomings of their own rule. As fuel lines in Kathmandu stretch more than two kilometers and power cuts ravage the country, the Maoists announced last month their intention to form a commission to revisit the massacre eight years after it happened, tightening the screw on the lingering survivors of the 250-year-old monarchy.
That decision has put some of the chief remaining royals on the defensive. Though investigations in the immediate aftermath of the attack closed the case, pinning the blame on an emotional Prince Dipendra, most Nepalis never quite accepted the accession of Birendra's businessman brother, Gyanendra, to the throne, and balked at his son Paras becoming crown prince. Paras is known chiefly for his penchant for fast cars and liquor, often in combination. But last week he titillated the nation by leaking to a tabloid in Singapore — where he now lives in a luxury home — alleged proof of how his cousin Dipendra had secretly plotted the murder for years, in what could shape up to be a bid to distance himself from the government's renewed scrutiny of the incident and any possible arrest, now that he is no longer royalty.
The established narrative of the tragedy suggests Dipendra was in a drunken fury, irate that his father and family continued to disapprove of his relationship with a woman from a rival clan of nobles. It was supposedly a crime of passion and intoxication — but Paras told Singapore's New Paper: "There was no smell of alcohol on [Dipendra]." According to Paras, the crown prince had intended to take down his popular father ever since Birendra relinquished absolute power after pro-democracy protests in 1990. The loss of that political mandate was made worse for Dipendra after his father scuttled an arms deal with a German rifle maker that could have yielded the prince a windfall of over $1 million. "That was the real trigger," claimed Paras, though former aides to the monarchy have denied such a transaction was ever in the works.
In yet another new twist, Paras also told the New Paper he may return to Nepal and participate in electoral politics, heading up a party of "young professionals and bankers" — but it seems unlikely the deeply unpopular 37-year-old — an embodiment, for many, of royal excess — would gain much from such a venture. "That's what everyone in Nepal is laughing about," says Kunda Dixit, editor of the Nepali Times, a Kathmandu-based weekly. "It's remarkable how quickly people here have otherwise forgotten the monarchy," he says.
The Maoists, though, who waged a decade-long war against the royal army, have not forgotten so easily. A recent trip to India by Gyanendra, who lives quietly in a private residence in the capital, prompted howls of outrage from members of government, wary of his dealings with Nepal's influential southern neighbor. The Maoists, observers say, need to raise the specter of royalist nefariousness to boost their own flagging support. "They need to create a sense of threat, of a larger enemy, to distract the people from their failings," says Dixit.
Those failings include the nine-month-old government's inability to provide much-needed development, from infrastructure to energy. This year, Kathmandu has suffered routine 17-hour power cuts, which has led to a drying up of foreign investment. Enduring fuel shortages have sent commodities' prices soaring and the financial downturn has led to thousands of overseas workers — whose remittances comprise some 16% of the national GDP —returning home, unemployed. National security has also deteriorated, partially as a consequence of the government's failure to integrate the roughly 30,000-strong Maoist rebel army, still quartered in remote camps throughout the country, with the formerly royalist state forces. Some frustrated Maoist commanders have even called for the overthrow of their own democratic government.
In the face of this, few in Kathmandu expect much from the inquiry into the royal family's murder. Many other questions remain unanswered from Nepal's decade-long civil war. Over 13,000 died, many of whom were civilians, both at the hands of rebel and government soldiers. But neither the ruling Maoists nor elements of the old royalist regime have heeded calls to investigate charges of war crimes. "Not a single case has been prosecuted so far," says Manjushree Thapa, author of Forget Kathmandu, an award-winning history of the conflict. "As ever," she says, "we Nepalis are not used to finding out the truth."
Tuesday, April 7, 2009
Apa Sherpa seeks 19th ascent of Everest
By Brett Prettyman
The Salt Lake Tribune
Apa Sherpa, a 49-year-old Draper resident, dedicates climb to global warming education.
The signs of spring in the northern hemisphere are everywhere. Snow is melting, flowers are appearing and Apa Sherpa is preparing to climb Mount Everest.
It is a ritual Apa has undertaken and completed 18 times over the past 19 years, including the last seven years.
No one has been to the top of the world more often than Apa. The 49-year-old from Thame, Nepal, who has been living in Draper since December 2006, will again attempt to break his own record, peaking out at 29,035 feet sometime in May.
"I never had a plan to make a record. I never had that as a dream. It just keeps happening," Apa told The Salt Lake Tribune last month before leaving for Nepal. After 16 trips to the summit as a guide, Apa has made his past two summits in the name of causes to benefit his people. This time a spiritual leader has asked him to benefit all of humanity.
The fact that Apa Sherpa has summited Everest 18 times makes it seem like climbing the world's highest peak is no big deal. But more than 200 people have died while scaling this treacherous mountain, with its subzero temperatures and risks of avalanche, ice breaks, high altitude sickness, hypothermia and falls.
For somebody like Salt Lake resident Dan Smith, who has attempted to make it to the top of Everest three times but never made it, Apa's record and desire to continue climbing the tallest mountain in the world is unbelievable.
"It is incredible. To have that many summits and so consistently. He just keeps knocking them off," said Smith. "The amount of patience he has to wait for the right weather window and focus that he is able to keep when others are stumbling around because they can't think straight is amazing."
Apa and his wife, Yangji, moved to the United States to provide a better education for their three children. But each spring since his move to North America, Apa has returned to the Himalayan foothills to prepare for what has become an annual sojourn to the top of the world. Apa and Yangji left Salt Lake City for Kathmandu on March 29 to prepare for the trek to a base camp for the Eco Everest Expedition.
Yangji will return home soon to be with the children, but Apa will miss milestones of the success he sought in coming to America: His oldest son Tenzing, 23, will graduate from Salt Lake Community College in business accounting in May, and 18-year-old Pemba will graduate as an honor roll student from Alta High School this spring. Apa will also miss several piano recitals by his accomplished 14-year-old daughter Dawa.
Apa -- all of 5-foot-4 and 120-pounds -- started climbing in the late 1980s because he, like many other Sherpa people, found it was a way to make money to support a family.
Apa made it to the top of Everest for the first time in 1990, leading a group of climbers. He quickly developed a reputation as a strong, wise climber and subsequently led 15 more groups to the top and back safely.
After moving to the Salt Lake Valley in mid-December of 2006, he became part of the SuperSherpas expedition. Teamed with Lhakpa Gelu Sherpa, another Everest record holder for the fastest ascent to the top from base camp, and two Utahns, Apa headed back to his homeland in the spring of 2007. With no clients to manage, Apa and Lhakpa climbed to educate the world about the role of Sherpas in helping everyone else reach the world's highest point.
Apa had not planned on making attempt No. 18 until an invite to join the Eco Everest Expedition 2008 organized by Dawa Steven Sherpa, who has known Apa since Dawa was a boy. Apa became passionate about the message of the Eco Everest Expedition -- the threat global warming poses for the people of the Himalayan highlands.
Apa rejoins Eco Everest with a greater role this spring, but still will be climbing without the direct obligation of getting others up and down safely.
"We will bank on his huge amount of knowledge during our planning," said Dawa Steven. "Having Apa with us is like a huge security blanket for the climbers. So, while he will not be involved in the nitty gritty of the planning, Apa will again be a very important part of our expedition's success in reaching the top and in educating the world about global warming."
Living in Draper at 4,500 feet above sea level and riding in a car or taking TRAX to work -- Apa has a driver license, he just doesn't use it very often -- is nothing like living at 12,500 feet in his home village of Thame, where there are no vehicles.
"I'm not worried about adjusting to the altitude again. I will be there for a long time before the final climb. I am a little worried about these muscles," Apa said with a laugh while tapping his thighs.
After arriving in Kathmandu, Apa was asked by a monk from the famous Tengboche monastery to carry a sacred urn to the top of the mountain. Like other climbers hoping to make it to the top of Everest, Apa stops at the monastery in Tengboche to seek a blessing from the Buddhist monks.
During a special ceremony Friday in Kathmandu, Apa was asked to carry a sacred vessel to the top of Everest by a high-ranking Buddhist monk. The sacred vase, known as a bumpa, contains more than 400 ingredients including holy relics, medicinal plants and other spiritual elements. The Tendrel Nyesel Bumpa, as it will be called, underwent a lengthy blessing ceremony in the monastery in Tengboche before it was delivered to Apa.
"This will help to deal with all the spiritual and environmental negatives of the area," Apa said by telephone from Kathmandu on Sunday of the vase, which he guessed weighs just over 2 pounds. "It doesn't matter how much it weighs. I would have taken it to the top of Everest even if it was much larger. This is a very special thing for me to do."
Rinpoche of Tengboche, Ngawang Tenzin Zangpo, also handed out three other bumpas to be delivered to other special mountain tops on Mount Manaslu, Mount Makalu and Mount Lhotse. The vases are intended to restore the sanctity of the sacred valleys of the Himalayan highlands and spiritually empower the people to cope with negative impacts of rapid environmental and social changes.
Apa Sherpa's Everest summits
1. May 10, 1990
2. May 8, 1991
3. May 12, 1992
4. Oct. 7, 1992
5. May 10, 1993
6. Oct. 10, 1994
7. May 15, 1995
8. April 26, 1997
9. May 20, 1998
10. May 26, 1999
11. May 24, 2000
12. May 16, 2002
13. May 26, 2003
14. May 17, 2004
15. May 31, 2005
16. May 19, 2006
17. May 16, 2007
18. May 22, 2008
Friday, April 3, 2009
The Talk of Nepal: The Future of Its Gurkhas
By Anuj Chopra for Time in Kathmandu
The kukri strapped to Mekhman Tamang's hip belt is more than an ordinary family heirloom. When his father bequeathed the traditional knife to him 10 years ago, Tamang, a third-generation Gurkha soldier, also inherited the stout-hearted reputation tethered to thousands of Nepalese men who fought for foreign countries before him. Recruited by the British army in 1999, the 30-year-old soldier has braved hails of Taliban bullets during two recent stints in Afghanistan. But he is uncertain whether he will be able to pass down his kukri — or the Gurkha legacy — to his son.
For nearly two centuries, hundreds of thousands of Gurkhas have been plucked from the foothills of the Himalayas to serve primarily in the British and Indian armies. They have often been given dangerous front-line duties in Hong Kong, Malaysia, Borneo, the Falklands, Kososo, Afghanistan and Iraq. The British army has awarded more than a dozen Victoria Crosses to Nepalese soldiers over the years, but despite the job's prestige at home, Gurkhas have long complained of being treated differently from native soldiers. For decades, Gurkhas have struggled with the British government for parity of pay, pension, and perks, and more recently, with British immigration officials over their right to settle in the U.K.
But the toughest battle ahead for the Gurkha tradition may lie in Kathmandu. In the augury of events since the Maoists seized power in Nepal last year, marking an end to a decade-long armed struggle, rebel-leader turned prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has openly expressed his antipathy for the practice of young Nepalese men serving in foreign armies as mercenaries for hire. Once in office, he announced that he would discontinue Gurkha recruitments, an undignified and degrading legacy in his eyes.
It was an unpopular opinion. The job is a popular and lucrative post in a country where unemployment hovers around 42%, and his announcement spurred vehement street protests late last year from old, new and future Gurkha recruits. Dahal promptly reneged, announcing in a February meeting with a visiting delegation of British parliamentarians that the recruitment of Nepali men into their forces had bolstered ties between the two nations, and that he was not in favor of stopping recruitments. But behind closed doors, Nepalese officials still squirm at the thought of Nepalese men being paid for fighting another nation's war. "This is an obnoxious practice," said one official from Nepal's foreign ministry, who requested anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the press. "Nepal will find ways provide employment within our country."
In its small office in Kathmandu, Gurkha Army Ex-Servicemen's Organization, which has been campaigning for pension parity between retired Gurkha and British soldiers, says it is ready "to declare war" with the government should the prime minister change his mind again. About 3500 Gurkha soldiers are now serving Queen Elizabeth II, but tens of thousands apply to serve each year from Nepal's poverty-stricken Himalayan hills. Candidates, scrambling for a few hundred spots, have been known to try to fake their way; in 2008, nearly 500 false applications were detected, and dozens of candidates — required to be between 17 and 21 — fibbed about their age.
Their enthusiasm, however misguided, is understandable. Nepal's decade-long insurgency hollowed the country's development, leaving nearly half of its population living below the poverty line and an average Nepali farmer earning roughly $300 a year. By contrast, Gurkha privates in the British army take home $28,000 a year. "Becoming a Gurkha soldier is a burning ambition for every hill boy," said Tamang's father, Saharman Tamang, 50, who served the British army for 12 years. "Those who make it are hailed as the 'lucky ones.' Money is not the only draw. Those recruited are whisked away to be educated, trained, shown the world and provided with a decent life."
Tamang, who worked as a farmer before he was became a soldier, doubts Nepal will ever achieve a total ban on Gurkha recruitment. If Gurkha recruitment is stopped, Nepal's flailing economy will take a hit; each year, the country receives $1.1 billion in remittances — nearly 18% of the national GDP — from the Gurkhas and other two million Nepalis serving abroad. Even with its new democratically elected government, there is no guarantee how long peace will last in a still fractious Nepalese society. "If Nepal was politically stable and there were enough jobs," says Saharman Tamang, "Our young men would not go to the frontlines fighting another country's war."
The kukri strapped to Mekhman Tamang's hip belt is more than an ordinary family heirloom. When his father bequeathed the traditional knife to him 10 years ago, Tamang, a third-generation Gurkha soldier, also inherited the stout-hearted reputation tethered to thousands of Nepalese men who fought for foreign countries before him. Recruited by the British army in 1999, the 30-year-old soldier has braved hails of Taliban bullets during two recent stints in Afghanistan. But he is uncertain whether he will be able to pass down his kukri — or the Gurkha legacy — to his son.
For nearly two centuries, hundreds of thousands of Gurkhas have been plucked from the foothills of the Himalayas to serve primarily in the British and Indian armies. They have often been given dangerous front-line duties in Hong Kong, Malaysia, Borneo, the Falklands, Kososo, Afghanistan and Iraq. The British army has awarded more than a dozen Victoria Crosses to Nepalese soldiers over the years, but despite the job's prestige at home, Gurkhas have long complained of being treated differently from native soldiers. For decades, Gurkhas have struggled with the British government for parity of pay, pension, and perks, and more recently, with British immigration officials over their right to settle in the U.K.
But the toughest battle ahead for the Gurkha tradition may lie in Kathmandu. In the augury of events since the Maoists seized power in Nepal last year, marking an end to a decade-long armed struggle, rebel-leader turned prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has openly expressed his antipathy for the practice of young Nepalese men serving in foreign armies as mercenaries for hire. Once in office, he announced that he would discontinue Gurkha recruitments, an undignified and degrading legacy in his eyes.
It was an unpopular opinion. The job is a popular and lucrative post in a country where unemployment hovers around 42%, and his announcement spurred vehement street protests late last year from old, new and future Gurkha recruits. Dahal promptly reneged, announcing in a February meeting with a visiting delegation of British parliamentarians that the recruitment of Nepali men into their forces had bolstered ties between the two nations, and that he was not in favor of stopping recruitments. But behind closed doors, Nepalese officials still squirm at the thought of Nepalese men being paid for fighting another nation's war. "This is an obnoxious practice," said one official from Nepal's foreign ministry, who requested anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the press. "Nepal will find ways provide employment within our country."
In its small office in Kathmandu, Gurkha Army Ex-Servicemen's Organization, which has been campaigning for pension parity between retired Gurkha and British soldiers, says it is ready "to declare war" with the government should the prime minister change his mind again. About 3500 Gurkha soldiers are now serving Queen Elizabeth II, but tens of thousands apply to serve each year from Nepal's poverty-stricken Himalayan hills. Candidates, scrambling for a few hundred spots, have been known to try to fake their way; in 2008, nearly 500 false applications were detected, and dozens of candidates — required to be between 17 and 21 — fibbed about their age.
Their enthusiasm, however misguided, is understandable. Nepal's decade-long insurgency hollowed the country's development, leaving nearly half of its population living below the poverty line and an average Nepali farmer earning roughly $300 a year. By contrast, Gurkha privates in the British army take home $28,000 a year. "Becoming a Gurkha soldier is a burning ambition for every hill boy," said Tamang's father, Saharman Tamang, 50, who served the British army for 12 years. "Those who make it are hailed as the 'lucky ones.' Money is not the only draw. Those recruited are whisked away to be educated, trained, shown the world and provided with a decent life."
Tamang, who worked as a farmer before he was became a soldier, doubts Nepal will ever achieve a total ban on Gurkha recruitment. If Gurkha recruitment is stopped, Nepal's flailing economy will take a hit; each year, the country receives $1.1 billion in remittances — nearly 18% of the national GDP — from the Gurkhas and other two million Nepalis serving abroad. Even with its new democratically elected government, there is no guarantee how long peace will last in a still fractious Nepalese society. "If Nepal was politically stable and there were enough jobs," says Saharman Tamang, "Our young men would not go to the frontlines fighting another country's war."
Nepal govt told to find hundreds missing from war
KATHMANDU (Reuters) - Nepal's Supreme Court has ordered the government, led by former Maoist rebels, to find out what happened to hundreds of people who went missing during a decade-long civil war, a court spokesman said on Friday.
Human rights groups and families say hundreds of people went missing during the conflict that killed about 13,000 people. Troops loyal to former rulers and the Maoists were both accused of abuses such as abductions, torture, rape, killings and civilian disappearances during the war.
Hemanta Rawal, a spokesman for the Supreme Court, said the court ordered the government on Thursday to search for 434 people who were reported missing during the war, which ended under a 2006 peace deal. The Maoists won a subsequent election.
"The state cannot be free from the responsibility to search for its missing citizens," Rawal said.
"It is the duty of the government to know about their fate and provide information to their families."
The Maoists joined the political mainstream nearly three years ago, set aside their arms and confined their fighters to U.N.-monitored camps under the 2006 pact.
That deal also requires the government to set up a panel to find out what happened to those who went missing during the war. The government has promised to set up the commission but no such body has been formed yet.
The Maoists head a coalition government after winning last year's election for a constituent assembly.
Human rights groups and families say hundreds of people went missing during the conflict that killed about 13,000 people. Troops loyal to former rulers and the Maoists were both accused of abuses such as abductions, torture, rape, killings and civilian disappearances during the war.
Hemanta Rawal, a spokesman for the Supreme Court, said the court ordered the government on Thursday to search for 434 people who were reported missing during the war, which ended under a 2006 peace deal. The Maoists won a subsequent election.
"The state cannot be free from the responsibility to search for its missing citizens," Rawal said.
"It is the duty of the government to know about their fate and provide information to their families."
The Maoists joined the political mainstream nearly three years ago, set aside their arms and confined their fighters to U.N.-monitored camps under the 2006 pact.
That deal also requires the government to set up a panel to find out what happened to those who went missing during the war. The government has promised to set up the commission but no such body has been formed yet.
The Maoists head a coalition government after winning last year's election for a constituent assembly.
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